“I’m better than that dunderhead!” Guan is said to have thundered when he heard that he would have the same rank as Huang (eventually Guan agreed to accept the arrangement). The battle was a disaster for Cao Cao and he suffered a defeat that allowed the three kingdoms to come into existence.Īs Liu Bei consolidated his position, becoming the King of Shu, Guan was promoted to the position of “General of the Van,” something that he was unhappy about because he had the same rank as a man named Huang Chung whom he disliked. During this battle, Cao Cao’s army, pressing south, tried to re-unify China by destroying the forces of Liu Bei and Sun Quan, who had formed an alliance. 208, after the death of general Liu Biao, he took command of a fleet of ships on the Han River and brought them to Red Cliffs. Records indicate that he excelled at naval warfare. Over the next two decades Guan, would work with Liu Bei in a series of military campaigns that would eventually lead to the foundation of the Kingdom of Shu. Cao Cao was said to have been so impressed by his loyalty and martial prowess that he ordered his troops to let Guan go. He cut off Liang’s head and came back and no one in Shao’s army could resist him,” wrote Ssu-ma Kuang.Īfter the battle, he fled Cao Cao’s army to rejoin Liu Bei. He whipped his horse and broke through to Liang among ten thousand men of his army. “Yu saw Liang’s standard in the distance. To repay Cao Cao for the good way he had treated him Guan decided to kill a general named Yan Liang, who served a man named Yuan Shao (a rival of Cao Cao). In the end I must go.” (Translation by Rafe de Crespigny, published in 1969) “I know well how generously Lord (Cao Cao) has treated me, but I have received favors from General (Liu Bei) and I swore to die with him. Still, Guan regarded Liu Bei and Zhang Fei as brothers and he would not abandon them.Īccording to the 11th-century Chinese historian Ssu-ma Kuang, Guan decided that he had to escape and rejoin Liu, but not before doing Cao Cao a favor first. It is exactly the desire to cash in on the popularity of the original masterworks that pushes author, editor, and publisher to craft the book as a referential field in which the implied author engages anticipated readers of different dispositions to comment on, extend, and improve the original work.Cao Cao treated Guan well and made him a lieutenant general in his own army. To situate Xu jin ping mei in the context of the burgeoning print industry will help us go beyond the textual level to assess the sequel as an important cultural phenomenon. Another indicator of the authoreditor’s effort at creating the sequel’s own social reception is a list of cited books that captures the full spectrum of textual production in the seventeenth century, thereby inscribing Xu jin ping mei in a cultural matrix that accommodates multiple modes of reading with a sense of hierarchy. As this paper shows, such ‘weakness’ is part of the sequel writer’s conscious exploration of the productive gap between the text and the book as an object-cover page, the front matter, illustration and fiction commentary all contribute to the totality of the bound text as an object of connoisseurship. Critics tend to hold Xu jin ping mei in low regard because the sequel’s extensive citations from religious texts and morality books disrupt the flow of the narrative. 1660) of Xu jin ping mei 續金瓶梅 (The sequel to Jin ping mei), a sequel to the acclaimed yet controversial sixteenthcentury vernacular novel Jin ping mei 金瓶梅 (Plum in a golden vase). This paper examines the book form of the original woodblock edition (ca. In this sense, Qiyunshan deserved the nickname, ''Little Wudang in Jiangnan'' 江南小武當, and the cult of Zhenwu there illustrated its regional colors. Due to geographical, regional, and cultural differences, Qiyunshan was still distinguished from Wudangshan, and the main differences lay in the purposeful attempt to build up literati culture at Qiyunshan. This imperial support not only served the emperor's personal religious interest, it also provided political legitimacy to promote Jiajing's lineage and remap the religious landscape of the empire. I argue that the high point of Daoism at Qiyunshan was the Jiajing 嘉靖 emperor's (r. This study explores the conscious effort of the Daoist clerical community to duplicate the Zhenwu cult of Wudangshan at Qiyunshan. Among these regional Zhenwu branches, Mount Qiyun (Qiyunshan 齊雲山) was arguably the most important. As the center of the Zhenwu 真武 (Perfect Warrior) cult, Wudangshan not only attracted millions of pilgrims, but also spread the Zhenwu cult to the entire empire, with many sites of the Zhenwu cult known as the ''Little Wudang Mounts'' (Xiao Wudang 小武當) and other regional branches (travel-palaces 行宮 etc.) modeling after Wudangshan. (Wudangshan 武當山) is well known to have been the most holy mountain in the Ming.
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